Originally published in El Pulso. Solo en , 84 taxistas fueron asesinados. Sin embargo, merece la pena rescatar algunas intervenciones exitosas en Honduras. Central American gangs are responsible for brutal acts of violence, abuse of women and forced displacement of thousands. Governments must go beyond punitive measures and address the social and economic roots of gang culture, tackle extortion schemes and invest in communities. Born in the aftermath of civil war and boosted by mass deportations from the U.
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Jump to navigation. Once home to a thriving nightlife, Tegucigalpa now shuts down by 2 a. Residents must be in their homes by that time, and anyone wanting to host a party in their house must request permission from the municipal government.
They constitute the centerpiece of the mano dura policy. Former president Ricardo Maduro pioneered mano dura in Central America, adopting the policy in The presidents of El Salvador and Guatemala followed suit, instituting similar policies in El Salvador, it came to be called the super mano dura.
The figure makes for a yearly average of Mirna Flores, head of the Observatorio, can only conclude that the mano dura has failed. Most of the joint military-police operations pit security forces against young alleged gang members, usually aged 15 to Student rivalries gave way to fights over territory and control of arms and drug markets. Ismael Moreno, a priest who leads the Jesuit congregation in Honduras, says the gang as a social form is linked to the intensification of conflicts and the widespread social exclusion in Honduras, where eight out of 10 people live in poverty or extreme poverty, according to official figures.
They are also found in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico, and maintain strong ties. In Honduras, their members are largely Honduran youth, organized by Honduran and Salvadoran deportees from the United States, according to police spokesman Miguel Amador.
Most come from the barrios marginales , and their strongest presence is in Tegucigalpa and San Pedro de Sula in the north. There are about 69, gang members in Central America, distributed in groups, according to a report from the Commission of Police Chiefs of Central America and the Caribbean. More than half of them, the report says, are in Honduras alone.
But police spokesman Miguel Amador thinks differently. These groups, for the moment, especially the drug traffickers and the kidnappers, have put the state on alert. The main thrust of mano dura is no longer exclusively toward gang members, but is now also aimed at the drug cartels. It would seem no one is interested in young people.
This separation of military and police roles led to the creation of the Ministry of Security, an ostensibly civilian department, in But in its decade of existence, it has had only two civilian ministers, and in the past five years it has been led exclusively by former military officials, who have turned it into an informal branch of the Armed Forces.
President Zelaya campaigned on an anti-crime ticket, proposing to double the number of police officers and to jail murderers and rapists for life. But he also favored rehabilitating former gang members, which came across as a move toward a more integral approach to security.
Zelaya left the anti-gang law in force, allowing the military-police incursions to continue. Custodio says the ex—military men at the Ministry of Security are doing away with police training for community service and have reduced the functions assigned to the National Council of Interior Security CONASIN , composed of civil and state organizations aimed at assessing security policy.
The reform proposal, still under discussion, would formally turn the Ministry of Security into a strictly military entity that would likely begin forming police groups similar to the ones that illegally operated in the s, says Bertha Oliva of the Committee of Detained and Disappeared Family Members in Honduras. Like this article? Support our work. Search form Search. Enter your keywords. Observatorio de la Violencia, co-sponsored by the United Nations, UNAH, the Ministry of Health, and the Honduran police, has since remedied the problem of unreliability in Honduran crime statistics, collating and analyzing reports from both the police and the media.
The New Press, , p.
Aprueban reformas a “Ley Antimaras” que establece aumento de penas a la asociación ilícita
Private-Sector Network Members. There is a face of a democracy here in Honduras, but behind it is dictatorship. While the means by which he himself may be extracting material gain from this arrangement are difficult to prove, several of them have been persuasively identified. And regardless, a pattern of subjecting institutions to his personal authority—or of ensuring their weakness—is clearly visible. The bulk of the actions or inactions of these agencies has served to facilitate or defend revenue maximization for the principal private-sector network members, or has provided siphoning opportunities for public officials. A visible step in the process of consolidation of power was the creation of this powerful and secretive body in Its stated mission is to design, supervise, and coordinate policy on all matters relating to security, defense, and intelligence, including the appointment and supervision of the director of national intelligence.
El déjà-vu de las políticas de seguridad en Honduras
El déjà-vu de las políticas de seguridad en Honduras